Arts, Drama, Legal

The Case Of The Flying Toy…

The judge presiding over the case.

The judge presiding over the case.

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY:

When a person invents something, that invention can be legally protected. The inventor makes an application, and if the invention is found to be original, the Patent Office sends the inventor an official document called a patent. This prevents other people from using the inventor’s idea.

The case you are asked to judge today involves a patented toy called SPIRALWIZ. This unusual flying toy has been sold worldwide by Backwards Industries Incorporated.

Last year, Andrew Dobbs, who is the owner of a small plastics company, began selling an identical toy. He named it FLYFLIP.

Backwards Industries, the plaintiff, has asked the court to stop Andrew Dobbs from selling FLYFLIP because it is a copy of their invention. But Mr Dobbs, the defendant, claims that his grandfather invented FLYFLIP 30 years ago, long before Backwards Industries had the idea.

A scientist for Backwards Industries has given the following testimony:

“My name is Dr Robert Franklin. You might think all scientists are strange people who walk around carrying test tubes and never have any fun, but at Backwards Industries we’re not like that. In fact, my job is to sit around all day and think up ideas for new toys. I invented SPIRALWIZ for Backwards Industries.

“SPIRALWIZ is one of the most unusual flying toys ever invented. When you fling it in the air, it travels straight ahead. Then it rises skywards, flips upside down, and floats gently back into your hand.”

EXHIBIT A below is a photograph of this amazing toy.

As proof that SPIRALWIZ is an original invention, Backwards Industries also submitted EXHIBIT B, see below. This is the patent issued to the scientist from Backwards Industries who claims to have invented SPIRALWIZ.

Andrew Dobbs challenges Backwards Industries. In claiming that the toy was an old idea of his grandfather’s, he offers the following testimony:

“As a boy, I remember Grandpa telling me about his idea for a toy that would fly back into the hands of the person who threw it. He was working on it for a long time. Then he surprised me one day when he brought home this fantastic gadget.

“We went out in the garden and he showed me how it worked. We took turns throwing the toy in the air. We played with it all afternoon. But Grandpa had no idea of ever selling it as a product. He just worked on his idea for the fun of it. In fact, the next day he was busy working on another invention, musical gum that plays a tune as you chew it.”

While no one else saw Grandpa Dobbs’ toy, Andrew Dobbs claims that his grandfather kept careful records. He had notebooks for all his inventions and they were stored in the attic when the old man died.

Mr Dobbs located his grandfather’s notes. EXHIBIT C, below, is the last page of the notebook that shows a drawing of the toy. You will observe that the sketch is identical to SPIRALWIZ that Backwards Industries claims to have invented.

No one saw a working model of Grandpa Dobbs’ toy besides Andrew Dobbs. But Mr Dobbs offers the testimony of a friend who knew of his grandfather’s experiments.

“My name is Charlie Watson. Grandpa Dobbs was a good friend of mine. I know, I know… you think it’s funny that I called him Grandpa when we weren’t even related. But that’s what everybody called him. I spent a lot of time with him when he was working on that crazy toy idea.

“Every day, for three weeks, I drove him to a remote field on the outskirts of town. Grandpa didn’t want anyone to see him working on his invention. To reach the field, we had to drive down a long, bumpy road that few people in the town knew.

“I never bothered Grandpa while he was trying to get the toy to work. I just went digging in the road, looking for unusual rocks for my geology collection. The road was covered with stones and rocks of all kinds. I used to find a lot of garnet and tourmaline.

“I clearly remember the last day we went to the field together. I was busy examining a large boulder when Grandpa ran over to me very excited. He said he had finally got his flying invention to work.

“But Grandpa wouldn’t show me the toy. He was very secret about all his inventions.

“As we drove home, Grandpa began writing in his notebook. He wouldn’t even show me what he was writing. Then he slammed the notebook shut. He said, ‘I’m glad that’s finished. It took a long time to get that toy to work. Now on to my next invention.’”

A lawyer for Backwards Industries claims the drawing in EXHIBIT C is a fake. He has stated:

“Except for the sketch on the last page, the notebook contains no written description of the invention – or statement that it even worked. There are no other drawings in the notebook.

“In fact, in his notebook, Grandpa Dobbs wrote about his experiments that failed. He never wrote that he could get the toy to work properly. And it seems strange that he would not show the invention to his friend, Charlie Watson. Could he have been ashamed that he had failed to get his toy to work?

“No, old Mr Dobbs never got his flying toy to work. In fact, we believe his grandson, Andrew Dobbs, really drew the sketch himself. He knew he would have to stop selling FLYFLIP if Backwards Industries could prove to the court that the invention was theirs.”

 

LADIES AND GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY:

You have just heard the Case of the Flying Toy. You must decide the merit of Backwards Industries’ claims. Be sure to carefully examine EXHIBITS A, B and C.

Was Grandpa Dobbs the original inventor of the flying toy? Or was the drawing in his notebook a fake?

EXHIBITS:

EXHIBIT A

EXHIBIT A

EXHIBIT B

EXHIBIT B

EXHIBIT C

EXHIBIT C

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Britain, Government, Human Rights, Legal, National Security, Politics, Society

Secret courts: The need to balance security with individual freedom…

(From the archives) Originally posted on April 4, 2012 by markdowe

BALANCING SECURITY AND LIBERTY

Keeping citizens safe and free is the primary role of the state. In attempting to achieve this it must properly balance the requirements of national security with the principles of liberty. In Britain, this tension runs like a thread throughout its history. Over the centuries, the executive has sought to arrogate further powers to itself – usually in the name of protecting the people – while Parliament and the judiciary have acted as a check on its presumption. Invariably, parties in opposition believe the government of the day is acting in an illiberal fashion; yet when they take office, they discover that achieving the right balance is harder than they imagined.

When in opposition, the leaders of the two parties now making up the Coalition were vehemently critical of Labour’s plans for a substantial extension of the state’s surveillance powers. But having flip-flopped, the Conservative-LibDem coalition are now making precisely the same supportive arguments as their predecessors. The problem with this kind of volte-face is that it erodes public trust in government, and makes it harder for ministers to do anything in the name of security without being denounced for their illiberal instincts. This is one reason why the Government’s proposals for ‘secret courts’ have received such a sceptical, if not hostile, reception. In a report published today the joint parliamentary committee on human rights adds its criticism, saying that plans outlined in a Green Paper last year to hear some civil actions involving the security and intelligence services behind closed doors are based on ‘spurious assumptions’ and are ‘inherently unfair’.

The Government is seeking to extend the so-called evidence procedures following the claims for damages brought by Binyam Mohamed and others, who alleged that Britain had ben complicit in their mistreatment whilst in Guantanamo Bay. Rather than disclose information that might damage national security, the Government withdrew from the action and paid substantial compensation. Under plans put forward by the Coalition, a judge would see the evidence and hear arguments from special advocates with appropriate clearance. However, no one else – including the plaintiffs – would be entitled to know what was being discussed. This should go without saying that this is not open justice. The question, though, is whether it is justified.

On balance perhaps it is – so long as these procedures are used only in the most exceptional circumstances and not at all in inquests. There are times when the national interest requires secrecy; it would be naïve to pretend otherwise. But Parliament must ensure that the law is properly framed to balance the requirements of fairness and security.

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Business, Climate Change, Environment, Global warming, Government, Legal, Politics, Science, Society

Clime, crime and punishment …

(From the archives) Originally posted on August 25, 2008 by markdowe

1.

CLIMATE CHANGE AND REMEDY

THE KYOTO PROTOCOL, a climate change treaty that spanned over a decade in an attempt to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, is perceived by some climate scientists as an ineffective waste of time and energy. The biggest polluters on the earth, the United States and China, both failed in ratifying Kyoto which, had they done so, would have seen a vast improvement in how global warming could have been tackled and managed.

The only effective way in dealing with the threats and risks posed by climate change is through legal enforcement and wider use of the courts. Science appears more than capable in linking climate change as a probable cause of deadly weather events which the world has experienced in recent years – such as the heat-wave that hit Europe during the summer of 2003. If this is the case then global warming becomes a matter for product liability law.

The threat of judicial arguments in an attempt to resolve the scourge of climate change should, if nothing else, force many companies to radically change their behaviour than any government policy ever could.

Pinning individual weather events on climate change

Scientists usually purport that we can’t attribute individual weather events to climate change. But, the example quoted of the 2003 European heat-wave, should have been the first weather event where that link could have been made. That event, particularly within European latitudes, was probably a one-in-a-thousand year event. The immediate effect was a series of anticyclones over Europe. We can’t say those were made more likely by climate change but, what we can say, is that climate change made the background temperatures within which those anticyclones operated that much higher. This, surely, goes central to what the problem is.

Small changes in averages make extreme events much more likely. The 2003 heat-wave was far outside the range of normal climate uncertainty. Scientists and environmentalists say that there is 90% certainty that the risk of such a heat-wave in Europe has at least doubled as a result of climate change. More recent estimates (Myles Allen, University of Oxford) suggest that is probably a four to six-fold increase. The finding of a “doubled risk” is significant because established legal precedent holds that this is the threshold on which civil liability sets in. The argument remains, therefore, that lawyers must have a case against those people and companies who caused and exasperated global warming. In 2003, the heat-wave claimed the lives of 30,000 people. Whilst most who died were older people, fewer than a quarter would have died in the following year. If such a scale of deaths had been due to the toxic effects of a drug or chemical spill, lawyers and the courts would have been swiftly involved. Suing the big oil companies, for the environmental damage and degradation they have caused, seems, now, only a matter of time before such organisations are subpoenaed. Legal redress seems the only rational way forward.

At the time of the European catastrophe, many people blamed the healthcare services for not being prepared. That, too, seems a bit irrational because how many sectors in society can cope with a once-in-a-thousand year event? The real culprits are the 20 or so coal and oil companies that we know have been responsible for 80% of carbon dioxide emissions.

Statute

If the lawyers attempt to go for product liability, then everyone down the supply chain would be liable: the company that sold you the petrol, the oil company that pumped it out of the ground, and the showroom that sold you the car that burnt the fuel. But, if it is said to be an industrial waste issue, then the polluter pays. That might be the car driver.

Previously, actions have already been taken against greenhouse gas polluters under public nuisance and human rights legislation. But, none as yet, has alleged actual harm. That could become a critical moment if proven and, yet, could be over something quite trivial, like someone in Alaska suing an oil company because their conservatory subsided as the permafrost melted. Legal precedent could have huge implications if harm was ever proved but an effective way to tackle and deal with climate change.

Knowing the harm

In order to successfully sue an organisation, you have to show that they knew the ‘harm’ in what they were doing, and went ahead with it anyway. But, the question underpinning causation is, at what point in history did the impacts of climate change become foreseeable? Should it, for instance, be 1896, when Svante Arrhenius first calculated the greenhouse effect? Or, when the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) first reported it in 1990? Of course, up until the recent signing of the Climate Change Bill by President Bush, the United States has never accepted climate change as being foreseeable at all. If 1990 is accepted as the start date for ‘foreseeability’, then companies can get away with some of their past emissions. By 2030, more than half of the excess greenhouse gases in the air would have been emitted since 1990. The concept of foreseeability will, therefore, rapidly diminish.

Whilst this approach is very different to that of Kyoto and of national emission targets, the legal route would have much more impact on the use of fossil fuels than any conceivable formula devised by government.

Ironically, though, when government’s started to make attempts in regulating carbon dioxide emissions – as the British Government has done for some time – then the companies producing them are given a defence: that their government had acted, so they didn’t have too. Such an argument, largely, mitigates responsibility.

Pursuing the legal option

Kyoto’s decade-long negotiations over a 2% reduction in emissions by industrialised nations, was hardly an initiative that got very far. The legal option remains a credible and viable alternative particularly as the science can now predict and forecast with some certainty what must be done to prevent further environmental degradation.

Most climate scientists do not like the liability idea. They believe that action on climate change should be a managed and sequential process. It’s certainly true, though, that the law can be unfair and arbitrary in its effects and application. Rich people might get settlements, whilst the poor would not. But, the conventional approach introduces, inherently, its own injustices. Besides, the ultimate goal is, primarily, to cut carbon emissions, not to win compensation or financial recompense.

Just the possibility of legal action would have a big effect. Climate change, if it hasn’t already, would become an even bigger issue at boardroom level. Look, for example, at the impact on share prices when a threat exists of legal action against food companies over obesity. 12-years of climate negotiations have not had the (same) effect as it should have had. The threat of being pursued with legal action and/or enforcement remains the only effective way to enforce company compliance if nations are ever to sustainably reduce carbon emissions. The introduction of an international court, too, seems logical.

Science

We still need to work much harder by showing how greenhouse gases are altering our world. Although climate scientists should be commended for spending large chunks of time and using vast resources in predicting what might happen in a hundred years time, we should also be focussing on helping today’s victims.

Interestingly, a research group headed by Myles Allen (Oxford University), previously, compiled reports of how the weather today would have looked without climate change. The modellers described it as it was, and as it might have been. The American legal community was interested in this research because, in 2000 – the year the reports were compiled – the weather was very dry. Reservoirs emptied and there were ‘brown-outs’: electricity in short supply from hydro sources. Allen’s research models could, yet, become the basis for legal action.


International Court for the Environment…

(From the archives) Originally posted on December 6, 2008 by markdowe

2.

REGULATION & ENFORCEMENT

STEPHEN HOCKMAN, QC, a former chairman of the Bar Council, has called for the establishment of an international court for the environment to punish states that fail to take adequate measures in protecting wildlife and in preventing climate change. Mr. Hockman proposes a body similar to the International Court of Justice in The Hague to be the supreme legal authority on issues regarding the environment.

Underpinning the role of such a body would be to enforce international agreements on cutting greenhouse gas emissions to be set and agreed upon next year. The court would fine national governments or individual companies who fail to take adequate measures in protecting endangered species or through wanton neglect and degradation of the natural environment. Enforcing the “right to a healthy environment” seems the next logical step given the seriousness associated with the long-terms effects of climate change.

The pioneering idea has been presented to an audience of scientists, politicians and public figures at a symposium held at the British library.

Mr. Hockman, a deputy High Court judge, believes that it is imperative now given the threat of climate change for the law to protect the environment.

 

A UN Climate Change Conference recently held in Poznan, Poland, began negotiations that is hoped will lead to a new agreement in replacing the Kyoto protocol in Copenhagen, next year. Developed countries are expected to commit cutting emissions quite drastically, while developing countries will be urged in halting deforestation.

The British Government has agreed in-principle that the concept of an international court will be taken into account when consideration is being made on how to make international agreements on climate change binding.

Mr. Hockman said an international court would be needed to enforce and regulate any agreement, saying: ‘Its remit will be overall climate change and the need for better regulation of carbon emissions but at the same time the implementation and enforcement of international environmental agreements and instruments.’

Whilst the creation of the court would provide an arena and setting in resolving disputes and in providing resolutions between states, the court would also likely be useful for multinational firms by ensuring environmental laws are kept to in every country.

It is believed that the court would uphold a convention on the right to a healthy environment; and by making provision for a higher body within itself, so as individuals or non-governmental organisations could appeal or protest against any environmental injustices.

The primary role of such a court would be in making “declaratory rulings” that, essentially, would be made to influence and embarrass countries into upholding the law. The court would also likely be equipped with powers in fining companies and individual states where breaches of the law are made.

Mr. Hockman added: ‘Of course regulations and sanctions alone cannot deliver a global solution to problems of climate change, but without such components the incentive for individual countries to address those problems – and to achieve solutions that are politically acceptable within their own jurisdictions – will be much reduced.’

It is envisaged that the court would be led by retired judges, climate change experts and other public figures. It would also include, as a central part of its function, a scientific body in considering evidence and by making available any data on the environment.

The creation of an international court on the environment would invariably influence public opinion that in turn would force Governments to take issues associated with the environment seriously. If there are established bodies that can give definitive legal rulings that are accepted as ‘fair and reasonable’ that would likely have its own impact on public opinion.

Environmental campaign groups such as Friends of the Earth have welcomed the idea as it helps and promotes the rights of people to live in a clean and healthy environment.

See also:

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