Britain, Defence, Europe, Government, Politics, Russia, Society, Ukraine, United States

Trump’s peace deal. At what cost?

EUROPEAN SECURITY

CONFUSED, contradictory, and deeply concerning. That is the verdict passed at the Munich Security Conference on Donald Trump’s hectic first month in the White House. The alarm in the air is unmistakably fraught.  

That’s chiefly attributed to the Trump administration being in the driving seat with the Europeans not even on the bus. Though his destination is unclear to many of us, what we do know is the US President wants a Nobel Peace Prize and believes a deal with Vladimir Putin will deliver it – no matter the cost to Ukraine, Europe, and Britain.

Trump assertively believes in a might-is-right world where the strong do what they can and the weak accept what they must. Forget high-minded appeals to past sacrifice and shared values; flattery and greed are the currencies that count now.

Ukraine’s mineral riches will sate that thirst. Lindsey Graham, the US Senator who represents the old-style Atlanticist wing of the Republican Party, has told the President that Ukraine is valuable real estate and that Russia must not be allowed to develop it.

So, it is mystifying that Mr Trump, the supposedly hard-nosed author of The Art Of The Deal, has given Putin major concessions before the talks have even started.

Will he allow Putin to dominate Europe in return for Moscow severing its alliance with Beijing? He’s capable of pushing such a horribly mistaken policy that could be disastrous for our security.

The good news is that the Conference’s dreadful proclamation – inviting Russia back into the G7, promising friendly summits with Putin, and excluding Ukraine from NATO membership – may be dumped tomorrow.

The US President changes his mind with impunity. His desire, according to reports, is to lead the news every hour of every day. Consistency and predictability can be disregarded, attention is what matters.  

The bad news is that his bullying streak is consistent. European leaders are playing with fire when they rebuke him publicly. It will be all too easy for Trump to withdraw the vital 8,000 US troops who protect NATO’s eastern frontier.

He can cancel the intelligence-sharing with Ukraine that provides its hard-pressed troops with their electronic eyes and ears.

A broken, defeated Ukraine will be a catastrophe for Europe, with millions of refugees fleeing west.

It will embolden Putin to find his next victim – perhaps Estonia, where Britain has scraped together 1,000 troops as part of a NATO tripwire force. But without Americans, that tripwire rings no bells.

Yes, European countries are belatedly boosting defence spending. But it will take many years before they can fill the gap the Americans would leave. They cannot even provide a credible force to protect Ukraine after a ceasefire deal. When it comes to European security, the Americans are the only game in town.

All this leaves Britain in a dreadful position. We cannot join the Europeans in denouncing Trump’s selfish, cynical approach. Our intelligence and nuclear relationship with the US are central to our own defence. We know they can be a difficult ally, but the alternative is worse.

Yet we do not want to see Europe isolated, failing, and splintering. Nor do we wish to see it falling prey to Russian – and Chinese – influence. That would be a catastrophe for our own security.

We should also be vexed about a European superstate taking shape without our participation. President Zelensky has called for a European army and increasing fear of Putin is driving continental leaders to take collective security seriously as never before.

The bleak and hard truth is that Britain’s hollowed-out Armed Forces, stagnant economy, and lightweight political leadership risk leaving us marginalised and on the sidelines. And for that we have only ourselves to blame.

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Britain, Government, NATO, Politics, Russia, Society, Ukraine

How do we defend against Putin unleashing havoc?

BRITAIN

EVER SINCE Vladimir Putin launched his barbaric invasion of Ukraine, the West has feared an escalation in the conflict. Those fears have now become reality.

Earlier this week, the Russian dictator denied claims that Moscow had launched an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) at the Ukrainian city of Dnipro – which would have been the first time such a weapon had been fired in combat.

He insisted, instead, that the projectile was a new “medium-range missile tested in response to Western aggression” – citing specifically the use of long-range Western missiles, including British Storm Shadows, in Ukraine.

Separately, however, the Kremlin has warned that a US military base in Poland was “on a list for potential destruction”, and with the Russian ambassador stating that Britian was now “directly involved” in the war, thoughts have turned as to how Putin might respond.

Several military analysts and commentators believe the dictator’s nuclear threats are empty bluster. Even a nuclear test, let alone the deployment of a “tactical” atomic weapon, would bring devastating retaliation.

More pressing is the question whether he could launch a conventional missile attack on Britain? And if he did, could we properly defend ourselves? What else might he do in the weeks ahead to destabilise the democratic world and advance his sordid cause?

If Putin did launch a conventional missile strike, our air-defence radars, as well as our allies’, would identify the projectiles well before impact.

In theory and on paper, at least, we have some protection: primarily our six Type 45 destroyers. Each of these formidable warships carries 48 state-of-the-art Aster air-defence missiles.

Nonetheless, only two of our Type 45s are currently deployable. These billion-pound warships have been plagued by maintenance issues. HMS Daring, for instance, has spent most of its 15-year life in refits: far more than it has spent in active service at sea.  

The powerful HMS Duncan is in service and does carry Aster missiles – which would buy time for our PM to invoke allied support and authorise countermeasures. A lot would be riding on the warship’s efficacy – and in the hope that Putin’s strike would be limited, as its stock of Asters would be swiftly depleted. 

What is more, the Type 45s provide only a partial shield.

If one happens to be in the Thames Estuary at the time of attack, for example, London might be covered – but the rest of the country would be left defenceless.

Needless to say, an intercontinental ballistic missile strike would be many orders of magnitude worse – and far more difficult if not impossible to defend against.

Although we have a handful of state-of-the-art short-range Sky Sabre land-based missile-defence systems, we wholly lack defences against ICBMs (like Israel’s Arrow 3 anti-ballistic missile).

Even without such a grim scenario – which could ultimately presage a nuclear exchange, and with it the end of civilisation – a more pressing immediate concern is that Britian is already under attack from Russia, through sabotage and other mischief, and has been for years. This will now escalate.

Russia has become an expert in these ignoble arts, which range from murder to sabotage via cyber-attacks and propaganda operations. They are often carried out by proxies: that is, criminals hired for cash.

Only last month, 20-year-old Dylan Earl, from Leicestershire, pleaded guilty at the Old Bailey to aggravated arson on a Ukrainian-linked business in London, carried out on behalf of the Russian mercenary Wagner Group – which is still active following the death of its warmongering leader Yevgeny Prigozhin last year in a plane crash.

Other instances are known. Counter-terrorism police are separately investigating a munitions parcel in Birmingham, aimed at bringing down a plane carrying freight. The deadly package, along with others targeting Poland and Germany, was posted in Lithuania – just across the border from the Russian puppet state of Belarus.

Other mysterious blazes have sprung up around the country: at an ammunition plant in Monmouthshire in April, and earlier this month at one nuclear submarine shipyard in Barrow. British defence companies have also suffered alarming fires.

Shockingly, no one in government appears willing to talk openly about these bizarrely synchronised conflagrations. But intelligence predictions will be clear: we are now certain to see more of them.

Then there are cyber-attacks. Earlier this year saw a devastating “ransomware” assault on several major London hospitals – in which hackers demanded money, often in hard-to-trace cryptocurrency, to unlock vital computer systems.

Operations were cancelled, emergency patients had to be transported to other hospitals, and blood transfusions and test results were also affected.

Last year, staff at British Airways, Boots, and the BBC were similarly targeted in Russia-linked cyber-attacks.

These too are surely set to proliferate – not least because North Korea, whose brainwashed soldiers are now fighting alongside the Russians in Ukraine, has its own dedicated army of cyber-hackers in Pyongyang.

A third piece of mayhem is also at play. Russia is already systematically attacking seabed cables and pipelines, the vital arteries of our data and energy flows.

Just this week, a Chinese ship – reportedly captained by a Russian national – was being inspected by the Danish authorities following catastrophic damage to undersea infrastructure in the Baltic Sea, in a suspected malicious attack. As an island, Britian is particularly vulnerable to such assaults – and Putin has been scheming them for years.

Expect, too, more physical intimidation – and worse – of individuals on British soil.

Not just chemical poisonings, as we witnessed in Salisbury against Sergei Skripal, the former MI6 officer, but also the beatings and murders of dissidents.

Russia has been linked to 14 deaths on British soil in recent years, including the assassination of Vladimir Litvinenko in a case of polonium-laced tea in 2006.

Intimidation can also be political. The Kremlin could hack into the private email accounts of senior politicians to leak compromising information – a tactic used to devastating effect against Hillary Clinton during her 2016 presidential campaign.

Britain’s decision-makers are similarly a top target. Sowing division through rumours and scare stories, including on social media which spreads rapidly, can paralyse a country and its leaders.

This brings all to the most important point of all. Putin’s aim is not to defeat us in military combat: he knows he cannot as of now win against the combined might of NATO, while Beijing remains sceptical in committing millions of troops to his cause.

Instead, his aim is to instil cowardice in the general population – to cause ordinary Britons to turn their backs on Ukraine, and demand that their own government stop supporting the defenders.

These siren voices will sing just why support is being given to Ukraine, when the price is misery at home?

They will ask why we maintain a “tripwire” force at great expense in Estonia? Now that an isolationist Trump is heading back to the White House what is the point of NATO?

Surely it is better, they will say, to pull out of these entanglements and concentrate on our own domestic problems?

Yet, if we allow Russia to conquer Ukraine, the result will not be perfect peace. Instead, the seeds will be sown for a future conflict, one in which Britain will be in a far more parlous position.

Instead of kowtowing to our foes, we should rekindle the spirit that won previous epic contests – two world wars, and the cold war against Soviet Communism.

A new arsenal of crafty, painful countermeasures is also needed such as seizing the frozen £250billion assets of Russia’s central bank and using it to arm and rebuild Ukraine.

So long as our enemies believe they can attack us with impunity, they will not cease from doing so. That is principally why we must continue to support the Ukrainians – and show Putin that we will not back down.

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Britain, Government, Military, NATO, Russia, Ukraine, United Nations, United States

Kyiv missile deal edges closer

STORM SHADOW

THE visit by British Foreign Secretary David Lammy and his US counterpart Antony Blinken to battle-ravaged Ukraine in reaffirming their commitment was timely. The pair announced millions more in aid, which was welcomed, but if Ukraine is to stand any chance in defeating Putin, the West must still go further. 

It is now pressing to permit Kyiv to use US and British long-range missiles to pulverise targets deep inside Russian territory. This would allow it to strike air bases which are used to launch devastating and indiscriminate attacks against Ukraine.

The current restrictions on Ukraine using Western long-range missiles – imposed amid fears of provoking the Kremlin – are iniquitous and show timidity.

However, the mood is changing as both the US and UK have accused Russian president Vladimir Putin of escalating the war by seeking missiles from Iran.

Allowing Ukraine to use British Storm Shadow missiles would mark a major step up in capability, as they have a range of more than 155 miles. By contrast, the US-supplied Himars missiles currently being used have a range of just 50 miles. A longer-range capability would enable Ukrainian pilots to remain further from the front lines, as missiles such as Storm Shadow would penetrate much deeper inside Russian territory.

Storm Shadow is a precision-guided cruise missile with a maximum range of up to 200 miles. It has a multi-stage warhead with the initial detonation used to destroy bunkers. The main warhead is controlled by a delayed fuse which destroys whatever is being protected inside a fortified position.

It is “air-launched” and can be released from a safe distance. It travels at a low altitude to avoid radar detection and uses an infra-red seeker to latch on to its target. In May 2023, the UK confirmed it had donated a number of the missiles to Ukraine – but with the proviso that they only be used on Russian targets on Ukrainian sovereign territory.

Ukraine’s president wants Storm Shadow to destroy airfields and command and control centres deep inside Russia. President Zelensky needs to eradicate the threat posed by Russian glide bombs; he wants to strike wherever the aircraft that carry them are based. An accurate, long-range missile arsenal could also directly target Russian supply lines into eastern Ukraine and through territory surrounding Kursk province, which Ukrainian soldiers have successfully penetrated and defended.

However, the view in Washington and, to a lesser extent in London, has been precautionary. Permitting Storm Shadow to be used against targets deep inside Russia could be perceived as escalatory. The US and UK would much prefer to encourage Ukraine and Russia to reach a negotiated settlement. They would prefer, too, for Ukraine to develop its own long-range missiles, thereby avoiding further potential Western fallout with the Kremlin.

Financial reasons are also a significant factor. At £2million each, Storm Shadows aren’t cheap. Supply of them is far from infinite and Ukraine would likely use up the missiles in a short time. Also, they contain highly sensitive technologies which, should the Russians obtain them, could reduce the strategic effectiveness of Storm Shadow in the future.

Mr Blinken has said the United States is adapting to change, including how conditions on the battlefield are changing. With Russia having acquired Iranian ballistic missiles, this must surely be justification for the US to lift its restrictions. Ukraine has the right to defend itself. Nonetheless, complicating matters is that the Biden presidency has only months to run, with Donald Trump making clear he will push for a settlement in days if he wins the November election. Any such deal would likely require Ukraine to concede territory.

So, Kyiv must hold on to as much ground as it can, including areas it occupies in southern Russia. It is now or never for Storm Shadow to make a difference.

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