Britain, Defence, Europe, Government, Politics, Russia, Society, Ukraine, United States

Trump’s peace deal. At what cost?

EUROPEAN SECURITY

CONFUSED, contradictory, and deeply concerning. That is the verdict passed at the Munich Security Conference on Donald Trump’s hectic first month in the White House. The alarm in the air is unmistakably fraught.  

That’s chiefly attributed to the Trump administration being in the driving seat with the Europeans not even on the bus. Though his destination is unclear to many of us, what we do know is the US President wants a Nobel Peace Prize and believes a deal with Vladimir Putin will deliver it – no matter the cost to Ukraine, Europe, and Britain.

Trump assertively believes in a might-is-right world where the strong do what they can and the weak accept what they must. Forget high-minded appeals to past sacrifice and shared values; flattery and greed are the currencies that count now.

Ukraine’s mineral riches will sate that thirst. Lindsey Graham, the US Senator who represents the old-style Atlanticist wing of the Republican Party, has told the President that Ukraine is valuable real estate and that Russia must not be allowed to develop it.

So, it is mystifying that Mr Trump, the supposedly hard-nosed author of The Art Of The Deal, has given Putin major concessions before the talks have even started.

Will he allow Putin to dominate Europe in return for Moscow severing its alliance with Beijing? He’s capable of pushing such a horribly mistaken policy that could be disastrous for our security.

The good news is that the Conference’s dreadful proclamation – inviting Russia back into the G7, promising friendly summits with Putin, and excluding Ukraine from NATO membership – may be dumped tomorrow.

The US President changes his mind with impunity. His desire, according to reports, is to lead the news every hour of every day. Consistency and predictability can be disregarded, attention is what matters.  

The bad news is that his bullying streak is consistent. European leaders are playing with fire when they rebuke him publicly. It will be all too easy for Trump to withdraw the vital 8,000 US troops who protect NATO’s eastern frontier.

He can cancel the intelligence-sharing with Ukraine that provides its hard-pressed troops with their electronic eyes and ears.

A broken, defeated Ukraine will be a catastrophe for Europe, with millions of refugees fleeing west.

It will embolden Putin to find his next victim – perhaps Estonia, where Britain has scraped together 1,000 troops as part of a NATO tripwire force. But without Americans, that tripwire rings no bells.

Yes, European countries are belatedly boosting defence spending. But it will take many years before they can fill the gap the Americans would leave. They cannot even provide a credible force to protect Ukraine after a ceasefire deal. When it comes to European security, the Americans are the only game in town.

All this leaves Britain in a dreadful position. We cannot join the Europeans in denouncing Trump’s selfish, cynical approach. Our intelligence and nuclear relationship with the US are central to our own defence. We know they can be a difficult ally, but the alternative is worse.

Yet we do not want to see Europe isolated, failing, and splintering. Nor do we wish to see it falling prey to Russian – and Chinese – influence. That would be a catastrophe for our own security.

We should also be vexed about a European superstate taking shape without our participation. President Zelensky has called for a European army and increasing fear of Putin is driving continental leaders to take collective security seriously as never before.

The bleak and hard truth is that Britain’s hollowed-out Armed Forces, stagnant economy, and lightweight political leadership risk leaving us marginalised and on the sidelines. And for that we have only ourselves to blame.

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Britain, Government, NATO, Politics, Russia, Society, Ukraine

How do we defend against Putin unleashing havoc?

BRITAIN

EVER SINCE Vladimir Putin launched his barbaric invasion of Ukraine, the West has feared an escalation in the conflict. Those fears have now become reality.

Earlier this week, the Russian dictator denied claims that Moscow had launched an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) at the Ukrainian city of Dnipro – which would have been the first time such a weapon had been fired in combat.

He insisted, instead, that the projectile was a new “medium-range missile tested in response to Western aggression” – citing specifically the use of long-range Western missiles, including British Storm Shadows, in Ukraine.

Separately, however, the Kremlin has warned that a US military base in Poland was “on a list for potential destruction”, and with the Russian ambassador stating that Britian was now “directly involved” in the war, thoughts have turned as to how Putin might respond.

Several military analysts and commentators believe the dictator’s nuclear threats are empty bluster. Even a nuclear test, let alone the deployment of a “tactical” atomic weapon, would bring devastating retaliation.

More pressing is the question whether he could launch a conventional missile attack on Britain? And if he did, could we properly defend ourselves? What else might he do in the weeks ahead to destabilise the democratic world and advance his sordid cause?

If Putin did launch a conventional missile strike, our air-defence radars, as well as our allies’, would identify the projectiles well before impact.

In theory and on paper, at least, we have some protection: primarily our six Type 45 destroyers. Each of these formidable warships carries 48 state-of-the-art Aster air-defence missiles.

Nonetheless, only two of our Type 45s are currently deployable. These billion-pound warships have been plagued by maintenance issues. HMS Daring, for instance, has spent most of its 15-year life in refits: far more than it has spent in active service at sea.  

The powerful HMS Duncan is in service and does carry Aster missiles – which would buy time for our PM to invoke allied support and authorise countermeasures. A lot would be riding on the warship’s efficacy – and in the hope that Putin’s strike would be limited, as its stock of Asters would be swiftly depleted. 

What is more, the Type 45s provide only a partial shield.

If one happens to be in the Thames Estuary at the time of attack, for example, London might be covered – but the rest of the country would be left defenceless.

Needless to say, an intercontinental ballistic missile strike would be many orders of magnitude worse – and far more difficult if not impossible to defend against.

Although we have a handful of state-of-the-art short-range Sky Sabre land-based missile-defence systems, we wholly lack defences against ICBMs (like Israel’s Arrow 3 anti-ballistic missile).

Even without such a grim scenario – which could ultimately presage a nuclear exchange, and with it the end of civilisation – a more pressing immediate concern is that Britian is already under attack from Russia, through sabotage and other mischief, and has been for years. This will now escalate.

Russia has become an expert in these ignoble arts, which range from murder to sabotage via cyber-attacks and propaganda operations. They are often carried out by proxies: that is, criminals hired for cash.

Only last month, 20-year-old Dylan Earl, from Leicestershire, pleaded guilty at the Old Bailey to aggravated arson on a Ukrainian-linked business in London, carried out on behalf of the Russian mercenary Wagner Group – which is still active following the death of its warmongering leader Yevgeny Prigozhin last year in a plane crash.

Other instances are known. Counter-terrorism police are separately investigating a munitions parcel in Birmingham, aimed at bringing down a plane carrying freight. The deadly package, along with others targeting Poland and Germany, was posted in Lithuania – just across the border from the Russian puppet state of Belarus.

Other mysterious blazes have sprung up around the country: at an ammunition plant in Monmouthshire in April, and earlier this month at one nuclear submarine shipyard in Barrow. British defence companies have also suffered alarming fires.

Shockingly, no one in government appears willing to talk openly about these bizarrely synchronised conflagrations. But intelligence predictions will be clear: we are now certain to see more of them.

Then there are cyber-attacks. Earlier this year saw a devastating “ransomware” assault on several major London hospitals – in which hackers demanded money, often in hard-to-trace cryptocurrency, to unlock vital computer systems.

Operations were cancelled, emergency patients had to be transported to other hospitals, and blood transfusions and test results were also affected.

Last year, staff at British Airways, Boots, and the BBC were similarly targeted in Russia-linked cyber-attacks.

These too are surely set to proliferate – not least because North Korea, whose brainwashed soldiers are now fighting alongside the Russians in Ukraine, has its own dedicated army of cyber-hackers in Pyongyang.

A third piece of mayhem is also at play. Russia is already systematically attacking seabed cables and pipelines, the vital arteries of our data and energy flows.

Just this week, a Chinese ship – reportedly captained by a Russian national – was being inspected by the Danish authorities following catastrophic damage to undersea infrastructure in the Baltic Sea, in a suspected malicious attack. As an island, Britian is particularly vulnerable to such assaults – and Putin has been scheming them for years.

Expect, too, more physical intimidation – and worse – of individuals on British soil.

Not just chemical poisonings, as we witnessed in Salisbury against Sergei Skripal, the former MI6 officer, but also the beatings and murders of dissidents.

Russia has been linked to 14 deaths on British soil in recent years, including the assassination of Vladimir Litvinenko in a case of polonium-laced tea in 2006.

Intimidation can also be political. The Kremlin could hack into the private email accounts of senior politicians to leak compromising information – a tactic used to devastating effect against Hillary Clinton during her 2016 presidential campaign.

Britain’s decision-makers are similarly a top target. Sowing division through rumours and scare stories, including on social media which spreads rapidly, can paralyse a country and its leaders.

This brings all to the most important point of all. Putin’s aim is not to defeat us in military combat: he knows he cannot as of now win against the combined might of NATO, while Beijing remains sceptical in committing millions of troops to his cause.

Instead, his aim is to instil cowardice in the general population – to cause ordinary Britons to turn their backs on Ukraine, and demand that their own government stop supporting the defenders.

These siren voices will sing just why support is being given to Ukraine, when the price is misery at home?

They will ask why we maintain a “tripwire” force at great expense in Estonia? Now that an isolationist Trump is heading back to the White House what is the point of NATO?

Surely it is better, they will say, to pull out of these entanglements and concentrate on our own domestic problems?

Yet, if we allow Russia to conquer Ukraine, the result will not be perfect peace. Instead, the seeds will be sown for a future conflict, one in which Britain will be in a far more parlous position.

Instead of kowtowing to our foes, we should rekindle the spirit that won previous epic contests – two world wars, and the cold war against Soviet Communism.

A new arsenal of crafty, painful countermeasures is also needed such as seizing the frozen £250billion assets of Russia’s central bank and using it to arm and rebuild Ukraine.

So long as our enemies believe they can attack us with impunity, they will not cease from doing so. That is principally why we must continue to support the Ukrainians – and show Putin that we will not back down.

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Britain, Military, Russia, Ukraine, United States

A daring strike. Reason why we must keep sending arms

UKRAINE-RUSSIA

THE surprise factor has always been critical in war. And once again, Ukraine has displayed it with audaciousness – just as the country did when fighting back so valiantly against the world’s second biggest military power 30 months ago after Vladimir Putin tried to crush their country with his invasion.

Kyiv’s troops have made a lightning-fast thrust into the Kursk region of Russia with tank and mechanised units that no one anticipated – especially not the Kremlin.

It was clearly well prepared and planned, with cyber attacks stifling Russian communications and drones, aided by substantial artillery firepower. These are regular Ukrainian military forces – not the militia involved in previous incursions.

Russian convoys hastily transferring troops to the region after the initial raid seem to have been hit hard by Ukraine. Minefields were laid to protect the attack force. Social media suggests more Ukrainian tanks and troops are going in, plus significant captures of enemy soldiers.

It is difficult to determine precise numbers of the troops involved, let alone the aims of this daring strike that has taken them possibly 20 miles over the border. Whatever the case, it all shows an impressive level of operational planning and diligence.

It also bears similarities in style to the rapid advance by Ukraine two years ago that recaptured big chunks of the Kharkiv region. That was led by General Oleksandr Syrskyi, who has since been promoted to overall commander of Ukraine’s armed forces.

To take the fight into Russia with the first invasion of its terrain since 1941 is a bold and risky move. And it seems Western allies were left as surprised as the Kremlin when it was launched from Ukraine’s Sumy region.

Putin, the architect of so many bloodstained atrocities in this hideous war, has been silent so far. His aides are appealing to the United Nations for support, and bleat pathetically about “large-scale provocation”, and seemingly are threatening a “tough response”.

Only time will tell if this was a brave and foolhardy move by Ukraine – or a smart move that will force Moscow to shift forces from other parts of the frontline, thereby aiding Kyiv’s defence of its terrain while raising much needed morale among citizens and Western allies.

The attack certainly demolishes any suggestions that the war was settling into a stalemate, with Russia’s remorseless military steamroller making grinding gains in eastern Ukraine despite massive causalities.

Kyiv has demonstrated its military capabilities again when sufficiently equipped with modern weapons – just as it has in its remarkable defeat of Russia’s Black Sea fleet, where it used drones and missiles to sink or damage at least one third of the ships, forcing the rest to retreat from Crimea. This has frustrated Moscow’s ability to bomb Ukraine from warships.

In this latest operation, Ukraine has hit two airbases used to launch the glide bombs that are causing horrific carnage among Ukrainian civilians and soldiers with massive blasts.

The sluggish Russian response shows (again) the failings of a top-down, Soviet-style command structure under a power-crazed dictator. Moscow’s propaganda has been reduced to showing footage of “successful” strikes repelling Ukraine in Kursk – footage that was in reality filmed elsewhere.

We do not know if Ukraine intends to press on or try to hold this captured terrain for trading in future negotiations for its own stolen lands – or to retreat having shaken the enemy, rattled the Russian regime, and forced it to place more security and troops all along the border regions.

Military strategists are, however, right to point out that Moscow has held a big advantage in this war until now because it has not needed to commit military resources to defend its border – that’s an amazing thing during any war.

This advantage was down to the West’s ridiculous determination from the start to restrain Ukrainian efforts to fight back inside Russia. Washington even complained to Kyiv about attacks on fuel dumps supplying the Kremlin’s military machine.

The West’s pathetic fear of escalation, stoked ceaselessly by Russian threats of nuclear war, has been a powerful weapon for Putin because it has limited military aid for Kyiv and severely shackled Ukraine’s ability to defend itself.

Now, though, Kyiv has dramatically challenged this stance and shown the absurdities of such timidity in this epochal confrontation between dictatorship and democracy. It feeds into the dictum expressed by Prussian strategist Carl von Clausewitz, who said: “Enemy blows must be returned in war”.


. 14 August 2024

A sign negotiated peace is edging closer

IN the last few weeks, Kyiv had been signalling it was open to peace talks with Moscow. This was not an attempt to surrender, but to arrange a settlement that preserves Ukraine’s independence and by recovering as much ground as possible.

Ukraine’s foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba, had even gone to see Vladimir Putin’s allies in Beijing to sound out whether China would act as an intermediary.

If Putin took Zelensky’s willingness to talk as a sign that his resolve to fight was weakening, he surely suffered the greatest shock of his presidency in the early hours of August 6.

A week ago, an elite Ukrainian unit stormed the border and its forces have since seized some 400 square miles of Russian territory in the Kursk region.

It appears that the Ukrainians have adopted the great Soviet art of “maskirovka” – deception in warfare – and taught the Russian tyrant a lesson in over-confidence.

The claim that Kyiv’s allies were caught by surprise is disquieting. The presence of NATO advisers and technicians helping the Ukrainians deploy Western weaponry – including F16 fighters, French and British cruise missiles, and German armoured vehicles – must have been seen along with the preparations being made for the sudden offensive. The West is treading carefully, mindful of the cost the war is extracting from its taxpayers. Its leaders are more than happy to see Putin embarrassed by Ukraine’s surprise attack, but they’ve kept the triumphalist rhetoric to a minimum (for fear of burning bridges with the Kremlin were it to open talks on a ceasefire).

Through its successful invasion into Russian territory, Ukraine has dramatically gained more leverage for any impending talks. Zelensky now has the basis for bargaining Russian land not only for peace but also for the return of areas of the Donbas overrun by the enemy.

Seen in that light, this act of aggression is not an escalation of the war but a signal that a negotiated settlement might be edging closer. It will be tempting for Zelensky to push further. With new American F16s at his disposal, Russian targets in the Black Sea will be vulnerable.

Potential propaganda coups like destroying the bridge linking Russia to Crimea, or by targeting Putin’s palace near Sochi on the coast, could be strategic options. Such gains, however, could also be counter-productive, for they would enrage and infuriate Putin so much that any prospect of a peace deal would be dead in the water.

The important point is that being good at war is not just about fighting well.

As the Prussian general and military theorist Carl von Clausewitz argued after fighting with the Russian army against Napoleon in 1812, the ultimate purpose of war is to achieve a political objective.

Political and military leaders have to keep their eyes on the great prize of attaining that ultimate goal – whether they call it victory or peace – rather than just tactical victories on the battlefield.

The choice of invading Kursk was hugely symbolic given the emotional resonance the region holds over Russians.

On the very same terrain in 1943, the heroic Red Army routed the retreating Nazis in the biggest tank battle ever seen. That involved some 6,000 tanks and almost two million troops. The Battle of Kursk became a decisive turning point in the defeat of Hitler in the east.

The ill-fated submarine that was named in its honour has also imprinted itself on the Russian psyche. In August 2000, just eight months after Putin won his inaugural presidency, the nuclear-powered K-141 Kursk sank in the Barents Sea, taking with it all 118 souls on board.

Therefore the invasion of Kursk in particular, the first foreign incursion into Russia since the Second World War, will have hurt Putin.

That war ended in total victory; this one will end with a messy compromise.

Diplomacy is an unseemly business best kept secret from squeamish publics. A lot can go wrong, even with diplomacy behind the scenes. Trust is in short supply to put it mildly. Yet, there is now a glimmer of hope that Ukraine can get to hold its essential territory and rebuild its society and economy.

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