Arts, Books, Britain, History

Book Review – ‘Collecting The World: The Life And Curiosity of Hans Sloane’

HANS SLOANE’S CURIOUS LIFE

Collecting The World

Collecting The World is published by Allen Lane for £25.

Intro: Hans Sloane was a medical doctor to royalty and collector supreme who created Britain’s first public museums. But he couldn’t have cared less that his treasures were tainted by the blood of slaves.

‘Admission Free’ . . . When you next read those words at the entrance to one of our national museums, thank Hans Sloane (1660 – 1753), whose collection, built up over his lifetime, formed the core of the British Museum.

In those days of endemic British snobbery, when collections of antiquities and curiosities were normally viewed only by gentleman scholars by appointment in private houses, Sloane’s concept of creating a museum to all was ground-breaking.

In his Last Will of Testament he stipulated: ‘I do hereby declare that it is my desire and intention that my said musaeum (sic) … be visited and seen by all persons desirous of seeing and viewing the same.’

This led to the passing of the British Museum Act in 1753, which stated that Sloane’s collection was ‘not only for the inspection and entertainment of the learned and curious, but for the general use and benefit of the publick (sic)’.

Some trustees were not happy with this arrangement, worrying that the dirty common people would wreck the furniture and gardens ‘and put the whole economy of the museum into disorder’.

Hans Sloane

Hans Sloane, Museum pioneer. Picture: National Portrait Gallery

THIS BOOK tells the story of Hans Sloane’s life. Having read it, I’m sure I will never look at my old Sloane Ranger Handbook again without thinking of the original Mr Sloane – or Sir Hans, as he became. A visit to Sloane Square, too, might take on a different perspective than one would otherwise have had.

Whether the blue-blooded Sloane Rangers would quite approve of him, given that he was a bit of an arriviste, is an open question.

Born the child of servants to aristocracy in Ulster, he came to London aged 19 and made it his business to climb the social ladder, achieving the first rung by learning medicine and becoming the personal physician to the Duke of Albemarie, whom he accompanied to Jamaica in 1687 to visit the Duke’s slave plantations.

When reading any book about the wealthy British in the 17th and 18th centuries, it’s never long before one’s nose is rubbed in the dark story of what helped make everyone so rich. Here, though, we get a first-hand glimpse into how the slavery system worked, and what life was like for slaves in Jamaica.

As soon as the Duke and Sloane disembarked, the Duke acquired 69 slaves, which was totally normal for a Thursday afternoon.

In the last quarter of the 17th century, the British transported 77,000 Africans to Jamaica; the crossings took three months and the mortality rate was 30 per cent.

What is striking is that Sloane, a Protestant who believed all nature was created by a benign God, had absolutely no interest in slaves as human beings.

Utterly dispassionately he describes the punishments meted out to them: ‘After they are whip’t (sic) till they are raw, some put on their skins pepper and salt to make them smart . . . they put iron rings of great weight on their ankles . . . these punishments are sometimes merited by the blacks, who are a very perverse generation of people’.

He did take an interest in slaves’ physiognomies, but this was purely commercial, gauging the degree to which different Africans made good slaves.

Sloane’s life as an obsessive collector of curiosities began in Jamaica. He started accumulating specimens of the plants and animals on the island with the help of slaves, who knew their way around and were useful for climbing trees.

Purely in passing, he gives glimpses of how the slaves lived, describing ‘the stench of a ship in from Guinea loaded with blacks to sell’.

He visited the slaves’ enclosures where they were allowed to grow a few crops to supplement the rotting carcasses they were fed by their owners. Some had managed to conceal a grain or two of rice in their hair before being hounded on to ships in Africa, and these were planted to sustain their families.

Sloane collected samples from these grounds that remain immaculately preserved in the Sloane Herbarium (now at the Natural History Museum). He also obtained an example of African music, taken down at his request by one of the ‘negroes’ – it’s the earliest sample of African music in the Americas. Proudly, Sloane noted: ‘I desired Mr Baptiste, the best Musician, to take the words they sung and set them to Musick (sic).’

For the modern reader, to look at the illustration of that snatch of music is to witness a fleeting glimpse of the deep yearnings of slaves for their homeland. For Sloane, it was an amazing souvenir.

The Duke died of drink and his corpse was embalmed and brought back to England – but not before Sloane had met Elizabeth Rose, the daughter of a wealthy planter, whom he would marry, bringing him a one-third share of the net profits from her father’s vast plantations.

Back in London, he built up his reputation as a great physician, living in fashionable Bloomsbury where his patients included Samuel Pepys, Robert Walpole, Queen Anne and two King Georges.

‘I’m almost wishing myself sick, that I might have a pretence to invite you for an hour or two,’ Pepys wrote to him – Sloane was clearly good company.

He became President of the Royal College of Physicians and aimed to bring medicine away from magic and quackery and into the new world of science.

He inoculated Queen Caroline’s children against small pox, but not before trying out the inoculation on prisoners in Newgate and then on charity children – just in case.

But it was a collector of objects from all over the world that Sloane became famous. He moved to Chelsea Manor and bought the house next door, which he filled with his burgeoning collection of natural specimens and man-made curiosities: he was at the helm of a new mania for treasure-hunting.

 

SOME people (including William Hogarth) mocked him for being a shallow collector of nonsense, ‘a mere trafficker of baubles’. But there was no stopping him.

Raking in money from Jamaica (on a single day in 1723 his books record proceeds from sugar shipments of more than £20,000 in today’s money), and with a genius for making contact with travellers to China, Japan and the South Seas, he could never resist a new offering, and seemed to collect everything.

His treasures ranged from ‘a long worm drawn piece meal from a Guinea negro’s legs and other muscular parts’ to drums, shoes, scientific instruments, thousands of medals, coins, birds’ eggs, fossils, sea urchins, human skeletons and an Egyptian mummy.

He collected other collectors’ collections in a way the author describes as ‘cannibalistic’. Visitors marvelled at ‘God’s power to create and Sloane’s power to collect.’

He was canny enough to choreograph his own legacy, appointing 63 trustees to ensure the creation of the ‘musaeum’ in which his collections would be preserved.

From the day of its opening in what was Montagu House, before the new Parthenon-like structure replaced it in the 1850s, the British Museum was a showroom for celebrating the global reach of British power.

This book succeeds in paying tribute to the man who was a living embodiment of that global reach, but it never shirks from exposing the dark side of his story: his unashamed acceptance of slavery as the engine of his wealth.

–     Collecting The World: The Life And Curiosity of Hans Sloane by James Delbourgo is published by Allen Lane for £25.

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Britain, Government, Politics, Scotland, Society

A £1bn bung to cling onto power will be very costly

BRITAIN: CONSERVATIVE-DUP DEAL

IT has been frequently said that this month’s general election was an unnecessary political plebiscite. Maybe so for the Conservative Party, with the ballot turning out to be an exercise in damage limitation. But there has been debate over this summation, with some arguing that the ballot was in fact necessary, because Theresa May, up to that point, was an unelected prime minister. She had been put into 10 Downing Street only by her peers and parliamentary Conservative Party. The election was also the most expensive in British political history. The logistics alone is reckoned to be costed at around £140million, but that figure is quickly vanishing into thin air as details emerge of the deal between the Conservatives and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) of Northern Ireland. Having flippantly spent £140m from the public purse to achieve nothing short of humiliation, it has now cost Mrs May a further £1billion in securing again the political power she relinquished by calling an election she was so sure she would win.

Enter Scotland and the devolution settlement. There is a black-and-white way of looking at the deal struck with the DUP to give Belfast an enormous bung in exchange for votes: it’s nothing to do with Scotland, so Scotland is not entitled to a financial kickback. In propping up the formal minority Conservative Government of Westminster Northern Ireland won the election lottery. Scotland didn’t.

But this deal highlights a grey area if not a political anomaly. The Barnett Formula was specifically designed to ensure changes to funding in one part of the UK – in effect, England – are applied proportionately in the rest of the UK. Yet, and here’s the bugbear, its application can be discretionary. Funding can be allocated outside the Barnett arrangement (as has happened recently in Scotland with funding for cities development).

Two factors, however, do leave the deal with the DUP compromised. Firstly, the extra funding for Northern Ireland is to be spent on areas such as health and education, where Scotland and Wales have appropriate claims for equivalent treatment for these devolved responsibilities. The second factor arising is how the Conservatives continue to be increasingly damaged. Their Scottish Secretary, David Mundell, has said he would oppose a deal that “deliberately sought to subvert the Barnett rules”. By implication, this suggests that Mr Mundell must have believed that any deal would be subject to the Barnett arithmetic. What other arrangement did he have in mind if the deal announced doesn’t subvert the Barnett rules? There is no other alternative as to what he could have had in mind.

Mr Mundell’s unease is symptomatic of the situation the wider Conservative Party find themselves in. Mrs May’s authority is undermined, her leadership is faltering, and her days as prime minister do look numbered. Clinging onto power now comes at a staggering price of £100,000 per vote in the Commons, and the only part of the UK where this move will be popular is Northern Ireland. Throwing good money after bad could become Mrs May’s political legacy.


ANALYSIS

. Under the ‘confidence and supply’ arrangement, the DUP’s ten MPs from Northern Ireland will vote with the Government not just on the Queen’s Speech and the Chancellor’s Budget, but also on security policy and, crucially, all aspects of Brexit.

. They will also back Theresa May on all confidence motions, meaning it is far less likely that her Government will fall. The Conservative Party’s 318 MPs and the ten DUP MPs make 328 – more than half of the 650 MPs in the House of Commons.

. In reality, the support of the DUP will give the Prime Minister an effective working majority of 13, given that Sinn Fein does not take up its seven seats, while Speaker John Bercow and his three deputies – two of whom are Labour MPs – do not take part in votes.

. The DUP will get £1billion in additional funding over two years – equal to a 5 per cent rise in the province’s budget – with the option to come back for more.

. The deal breaks down as £400million for infrastructure, including a new motorway interchange; £150million to provide ‘ultrafast’ broadband; £300million for health and education; £100million to tackle deprivation; and, £50million to be spent on mental health.

. Conservative pledges to scrap the triple lock on pensions and means-test the winter fuel allowance will not go ahead. But both of these measures were already heading for the exit in the wake of the general election result.

. Defence spending will continue to meet NATO’s 2 per cent target and cash support for farmers will remain at current levels until the next election.

. The open-ended nature of the deal could see the DUP coming back for more money in the next few years – or even holding the Government to ransom over key votes.

. Cuts to air passenger duty at Ulster’s airports and special corporation tax status could also be demanded.

. Some Conservatives also fear the alliance with the DUP could prove ‘toxic’ because of the party’s deeply conservative stance on issues such as gay rights and abortion. However, these do not come under the deal as powers are devolved to the Northern Ireland Assembly at Stormont.

 

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