Britain, China, Economic, Government, National Security, Politics, United States

Questions to be answered over China’s super-embassy

NATIONAL SECURITY

The construction of the new Chinese “super-embassy” in the heart of London has been a long-running saga, its development plans shrouded in secrecy. Back in 2018, Beijing bought the Royal Mint site – an act whose symbolism was not lost on most Britons – for £255m. Assurances were given that the building would be used for normal diplomatic functions. But when the plans were released, they included a vast basement complex with no obvious purpose. Curiously, the details of the basement were redacted.

The true extent of Beijing’s plan has now been revealed. There will be 208 underground rooms, including a hidden chamber equipped with hot-air extraction systems, one metre away from Britain’s most sensitive communication cables, which transmit financial data to and from the City of London, as well as messaging traffic for millions of internet users.

Even before these revelations came to light, the Chinese plan came with obvious security risks: last year MI5 issued an “espionage alert” about Beijing’s spies targeting MPs and parliamentary staff “at scale”, while the US told Britain to reject the proposal on the grounds that it could effectively become a den of spies working against Western interests.

Planning permission has not yet been granted, but it is widely expected that Sir Keir Starmer will approve the proposal ahead of his visit to China later this month. For many in Britain, the obvious question should loom: why?

Labour’s 2024 general election manifesto promised an audit of Britain’s relationship with China. In the end, only two paragraphs of it were published, in the National Security Strategy. And, as is publicly known, the failure last year to prosecute Christopher Cash and Christopher Berry, two alleged spies for China, was because the UK Government was not prepared to provide witnesses willing to describe China as “an enemy”.

Britain is in the economic doldrums, and Starmer is desperately seeking more direct investment for his growth plans. China has slowly been buying up Britain, purchasing UK gilts as well as companies. This leaves the UK vulnerable to pressure from Beijing, which has a record of using debt as leverage. The PM clearly believes Britain needs to be on good terms with China.

However, that shouldn’t stop him quizzing Beijing. If there is nothing to see, why was so much of the plan redacted? Why does a foreign embassy need 208 rooms underground? Why demolish and rebuild the outer basement wall of the secret chamber, directly beside the fibre-optic cables that carry information critical to Britain’s national security and prosperity? And if the embassy is built, what does Britain gain?

These questions need to be satisfactorily answered before the green light is given to build a Chinese super-embassy in London.

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China, Economic, Taiwan, Technology, United States

Taiwan’s disintegrating £7.5tn secret weapon

TAIWAN’S SILICON SHIELD

Intro: The term “Silicon Shield” refers to the geopolitical theory that Taiwan’s dominance in the global semiconductor industry acts as a deterrence against a Chinese invasion. But the dynamics are complicated; there is now a diversification risk, and experts differ on the safeguards of Taiwan’s security

Behind the nondescript grey buildings that line the streets of Hsinchu lies one of the most important pieces of technology in the world.

Whirring away inside are rows of white machines that are so advanced – and so secretive – that only a select few have ever been allowed inside.

This is Taiwan’s “Silicon Valley” and these facilities produce the majority of the world’s semiconductors – small microchips that power virtually every electronic device in use today, from coffee machines to fighter jets.

Every country in the world relies on these chips, including China, which despite threatening to “reunify” Taiwan by force, imports nearly half of the island’s semiconductors.

Economists warn that an invasion of Taiwan would cost the world’s economy £7.5trillion. That’s far more than the cost of the Russian invasion of Ukraine or the Covid-19 pandemic.

It is argued that this very fact would act as a key deterrence against Beijing following through on its threats. China knows, too, that if it does invade, its economy would take a direct hit from the fallout.

Known as the “silicon shield”, the theory implies that Taiwan’s semiconductor industry offers a de facto security blanket, which would stop China from invading – both because of its own dependency on the computer chips and the US’s, which would come to Taiwan’s defence.

Taiwan’s former president, Tsai Ing-wen, popularised the theory in 2021 when she wrote that the silicon shield “allows Taiwan to protect itself and others from aggressive attempts by authoritarian regimes to disrupt global supply chains”.

Nonetheless, leading Taiwan companies within the semiconductor industry have been moving production sites to countries such as China and the US.

Experts have warned that this is effectively disintegrating Taipei’s valuable economic deterrence, making it more likely that Beijing would attack Taiwan.

The monopolistic position

Taiwan produces approximately 60 to 70 per cent of all the world’s semiconductors and more than 95 per cent of the advanced chips.

While thousands of companies are involved in semiconductor production, in Taiwan the industry is synonymous with one name – Taiwan’s Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC).

Founded in 1987, the company now makes up more than 60 per cent of the global market share and 9 per cent of Taiwan’s GDP. It is the most important company to the country’s economy and, in many ways, its national security.

It is one of more than 400 companies based in the Hsinchu Science Park, a concentrated industrial zone in central Taiwan often compared to Silicon Valley in the US.

The park’s unique “ecosystem” is one of many reasons that Taiwan has become a global leader in the semiconductor industry. Analysts speak of the “cluster effect” because of the availability of spare parts, equipment, material, design, software, integrated circuit manufacturing, and assembly tests all situated in one place. There is a complete supply chain, a complete ecosystem.

TSMC’s monopoly over the industry in Taiwan and around the world is often linked to its unprecedented structure as a foundry model. This means it manufactures chips for other companies but is not responsible for the designs. Instead, companies like Apple and Nvidia come to TSMC with orders for products they want to build. By choosing not to design, manufacture, or market any semiconductor products under its own name, the company ensures that it never competes with TSMC’s customers.

A wake-up call to the growing threat

While most of its production is still based in Taiwan, the company has gradually been opening fabrication plants, factories where semiconductors are made, in China, the US, and Japan.

There is one under construction in Germany, which is set to begin operations by the end of 2027. TSMC announced in March that it plans to invest an additional $100bn (£75bn) to grow its US manufacturing operations.

It is believed that TSMC and other companies in the supply chain are moving production out of Taiwan in response to the growing threat from China. Beijing’s increasingly hostile rhetoric towards Taiwan, and its routine shows of force toward the island, has spooked foreign governments and semiconductor customers.

Researchers on Taiwan at the US-based Hoover Institution, propagate that the Covid-19 pandemic served as a wake-up call for many companies reliant on chips from Taiwan and had to scramble overnight when their supply was interrupted.

It offered an insight into what would happen if China launched an attack against Taiwan, which could result in the supply of chips being permanently cut off.

The Institution says that by having over-concentration from one supplier located in one place is a big problem for TSMC’s business model in the new world. It also points to the economic benefit of having some supply or some production that’s closer to its ultimate customers.

Kowtowing to the US

Pressure from the US government and the Trump administration specifically has also been a factor in moving production out of Taiwan. Trump’s MAGA – Make America Great Again – is wholly directed to bring manufacturing back to the United States. That’s a prime reason why America intends to build its own manufacturing infrastructure for semiconductors.

But this means that Taiwan could lose an element of its deterrence. If the US is making its own semiconductor chips, rather than relying on Taipei’s, it may be less likely to come to Taiwan’s defence in a war.

The US is Taiwan’s main defence supplier, responsible for equipping the island with virtually all of its military technology. Taiwan is beholden to the US in its ability to make or break a future conflict with China.

War game simulations have shown that the US’s decision to come to Taiwan’s defence could be the difference between the country remaining autonomous and it falling under the auspices of Chinese control.

However, TSMC has kept an insurance policy. It has made sure that only its mature chips will be manufactured overseas. The production of advanced chips will remain in Taiwan.

In fact, in October, Taiwanese officials criticised and highlighted a proposal by the US commerce department, who said that Washington was talking to Taipei about a “50-50” split in semiconductor manufacturing. The response from Taiwan was swift: “No one can sell out Taiwan or TSMC, and no one can undermine Taiwan’s silicon shield”.

Diversification risk

While the diversification of TSMC’s production and the semiconductor industry more generally offers a safety net for other countries, experts disagree on how this affects Taiwan.

Some believe that increasing the number of TSMC fabrication plants around the world strengthens Taiwan’s ties with other nations. By investing outside of Taiwan – such as in Europe, America, or Japan – these countries become bonded with TSMC. Others have also said that by operating fabrication plants in other countries will give them a stronger incentive to care about what’s happening in the Taiwan industries and provide increased vigilance of security threats than previously would have been known.

In theory, at least, this could support the second branch of the silicon shield argument. This stipulates that the US and allies are more likely to come to Taiwan’s defence in the event of a conflict, thereby deterring China.

However, other experts are concerned that if reliance on Taiwan’s chip production decreases, and China is able to source its semiconductors outside the country, there will be less standing in Beijing’s way.

Those within the industry are also worried about Beijing’s habit of stealing innovations from other countries. Building a competitor that can beat you through technological pilferage are efforts to undermine the island’s defences.

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Britain, China, Economic, Europe, European Union, Government, Politics, Society, United States

UK-China relations: The Brexit dilemma

BRITAIN-CHINA

Intro: Trump’s trade wars have exasperated the Eurosceptic model, which is more outdated than ever

WHEN the transatlantic alliance was more functional than now, there was never a united view of China. Beijing has always been perceived as a commercial rival and potential security threat, and a common wariness has existed. For hawks in Washington, however, the idea of an alternative superpower closing in on economic and technological parity feels existential. More dovish Europeans have been openly compromising and readier to leaven caution with engagement.

Britain has veered between the two poles. In 2015, David Cameron promised a “golden era” of open trade with China. In 2020, under pressure from the US, Boris Johnson banned Huawei, a Chinese telecoms company, from UK 5G infrastructure.

In opposition, Conservative politicians have become increasingly hawkish against Beijing. Keir Starmer’s Labour government has tilted back towards cooperation. Several Labour ministers have visited China, including the chancellor. Other ministers, including the business secretary, will go there later this year, to revive a trade commission that has been dormant since 2018. Despite being manifestly frustrated with the Chinese owners of British Steel during the recent dash to keep Scunthorpe’s blast furnaces operating, the UK government has retreated from intimations of deliberate sabotage.

At some point, a reckoning has to be made. The pursuit of economic growth and investment will inevitably come into conflict with a national security interest in keeping China at arm’s length. The question is where to draw the line. The official line is that judgment is deferred pending a Whitehall “audit” of relations with Beijing. That is due in June.

A UK government decision is also imminent on China’s status under the foreign influence registration scheme – a system for keeping tabs on international organisations and companies exercising political influence in Britain. China is not expected to be named in the “enhanced tier” of risky states, alongside Russia and Iran, but some Chinese institutions might have that designation.

Calibrating these judgments – choosing when to prioritise security over commerce – is much harder with Donald Trump in the White House. What used to be a difference of emphasis between the US and Europe looks like an irreparable fracture in the west.

Trump has started a ferocious trade war with Beijing without a convincing strategic rationale. His officials have told Europeans they will have to choose a side when it comes to vital communications technology. Yet, what we see is a US president who has become routinely aggressive in his rhetoric towards the EU, dismissive of NATO, and reliably emollient towards Putin’s Russia.

From that pattern it is clear in Brussels and other continental capitals that Washington is no longer a reliable ally and the trajectory must be “strategic autonomy” for Europe. That is changing the calculus of risk and potential benefit from a more pragmatic China policy. The authoritarian character of Xi Jinping’s regime hasn’t changed, but it presents itself as a more predictable force in international affairs while US democracy declines in harsh and sporadic spasms.

Such changes illuminate a crisis of international orientation for Britain that has been building since Brexit. Economic detachment from Europe was promised on a model of the UK as a lone sovereign agent in an open, free-trading globalised world. That concept has aged very poorly, and it stands more of an outdated concept now than it ever has. Britain is not alone in struggling to navigate relations with China in the turbulent new geopolitical climate, but choosing loneliness and isolation in a world of rival continental blocks is making the struggle much harder.

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