Government, Israel, Middle East, Palestine, United States

Israel’s confrontation with Hamas in the West Bank must not be allowed to stoke fanaticism…

MIDDLE EAST

Israel has called-up 40,000 reservists in response to rocket attacks from Gaza and is the latest escalation in an increasingly dangerous confrontation in the Middle East. One may be of the opinion that Israel has shown commendable restraint by responding with targeted strikes against known Hamas missile bases and known operatives. But at least a dozen civilians have been reported dead in Gaza, which in turn has put localised pressure on Hamas to strike back, continuing and escalating the cycle of violence. Air raid sirens have been heard in and around Tel Aviv as Hamas have unleashed its long-range missiles.

A situation similar to that of 2008 – where a popular clamour for the Israeli Defence Force to enter Gaza – is evolving once again. Whilst hard for many Israelis to resist another military incursion, Benjamin Netanyahu and his government should hold back (if at all possible). Israel’s ‘Iron Dome’ affords high level protection against the missiles and proved to be highly effective during a similar attack two years ago. Undoubtedly, the provocation being faced by Israelis is enormous: more than 100 rockets have been fired from the Gaza Strip into Israel, and it is hard to discern any country facing a similar scenario exercising self-discipline and restraint in such circumstances.

However, the flare-up with Hamas can no longer be seen solely within the depressingly familiar context of the long-running Arab-Israeli dispute. With events elsewhere in the region as they are – in Syria, Iraq, tensions on the Sinai Peninsula and, potentially, great scope for both Jordon and Lebanon to be sucked into a wider conflagration – any intensification between Hamas and Israel will give the region as a whole a far more dangerous geopolitical edge. The Islamists of ISIS in their newly declared caliphate along Iraq’s frontier with Jordon want the common enemy of Israel drawn into the wider conflict. What is more, too, is that Hamas’s political hold in Gaza is notably unsettled and precarious, which is why it formulated a pact with Fatah in the West Bank. One reason for Israel’s reluctance to mount a ground operation is that the collapse of Hamas would encourage the rise and emergence of yet more extreme jihadist groups (as has happened in Iraq). Israel’s ratcheting up of the pressure through coordinated air strikes and mass troop mobilisation is intended to force a weakened Hamas to stop the rocket attacks.

It that plan fails, and the IDF deploys into Gaza, events will be much harder to control. Such action would seem certain to ignite trouble in the West Bank, where tensions remain fraught following the murder of a Palestinian boy in an apparent tit-for-tat response to the killing of three Israeli school children. Here, again, the Israelis have acted properly by arresting the suspects and allowing the law to take due process.

Any government’s priority is, of course, the protection of its citizens. But if the government of Israel can achieve that without fomenting and instigating yet more jihadist fanaticism, then surely that must be to Israel’s long-term advantage. Because of its prosperity, military power and international status, Israel has more to lose by intensifying its campaign in Gaza than maybe immediately obvious to its citizens. Certainly, the powerful using brute strength on the weak is never an attractive sight, whatever the level of provocation.

The United States will be in a position to point this out, and it must use its influence to calm tensions in a region that otherwise might escalate into something that will be more difficult to contain. An abiding peace in the region is now as far away as it has ever been, but surely no Israeli will wish to live in a perpetual state of continual conflict.

Infogram:

Map depicting where the missiles are falling in Israel.

Map depicting where the missiles are falling in Israel.

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Arts, Books, Psychology, Science

Book Review – ‘Headhunters: The Search For A Science Of The Mind’

EVOLUTIONARY PSYCHOLOGY

IN March 1898, a group of scientists set sail from London for the Torres Straits between Australia and New Guinea. The purpose of their embarkation was to study local islanders in the hope that they would learn important lessons about the way the human brain works.

Equipped with various colour photographs and some ‘footer shirts’, the researchers were confident these would prove irresistible to the natives.

For the following 15 months or so, they conducted a series of tests – one scientist would measure people’s sight, another hearing, another skin sensitivity, and so on. On their return to London, the team presented their findings to the British Association For The Advancement Of Science.

The exercise was a total disaster. Far from showing any major differences between the way in which a Bornean tribesman perceived the world and, say how a Cambridge academic did, their tests revealed almost no variations at all. The Association believed that only one conclusion could be drawn: the tests had been hopelessly botched. As a result the scientists’ efforts were poo-poohed with their reputations smeared and blackened.

Over the next few years, though, doubts began to creep in. Maybe the fact that there were no key differences between people’s senses wasn’t actually a blunder after all, but rather a discovery of huge significance and relevance. Viewed from the aspect that, far from being a human evolutionary ladder – as was generally accepted – in which the British stood at the top with everyone else on the lower rungs, maybe the inference implied by the group was that we were all essentially the same.

With their reputations restored, the scientists set out once again, and were eager to find out and track how the human brain developed in the way that it did. Originally, smell was by far the dominant sense, but as mammals began to evolve such as when they began to live in trees, sight, sound and taste surged to the fore.

The difficult part, as far as the scientists were concerned, was how to measure things that seemed to defy analysis – like pain or the way people react to stress.

One of the members of the original expedition, a psychologist called William Rivers, conducted a series of experiments with a fledgling neurologist. The two men would sit in the neurologist’s rooms in Cambridge, with Rivers pulling out the hairs of his fellow researcher and sticking needles into various parts of his body. The results were recorded.

Not surprisingly, the neurologist found that he could work for only an hour at a time before he started to feel a bit queasy. In between sessions, the two men would engage in bursts of vigorous exercise such as running or horse-riding. The results were encouraging, but what they really wanted was a kind of mass experiment in which large numbers of people could be subjected to the same trauma to see how they reacted. They didn’t have to wait long.

In August 1914, World War I was declared. Within months, Rivers and his fellow scientists were confronted with what amounted to the biggest laboratory on Earth.

A number of different aspects came under observation, but none interested them more than the effects of prolonged exposure to gunfire. Although it was another of the original expedition team members, Charles Myers, who coined the phrase ‘shell shock’, it was Rivers’s work at Craiglockhart Hospital near Edinburgh (where poets Siegfried Sassoon and Wilfred Owen were among his patients) that proved the most significant.

At first, Army doctors would label traumatised soldiers ‘Mental’, ‘Insane’ or even ‘GOK’ (‘God Only Knows’). But as the war went on and it became obvious that soldiers were not faking their symptoms, attitudes started to change and treatments started to improve.

Yet, the psychologists were still feeling their way in the dark. William McDougall, another researcher who had also set sail on the original expedition, treated a soldier called Percy Meek, who had been a basket-weaver in Norfolk before the war. As well as having severe shell shock, Meek was diagnosed as suffering from amnesia.

Under hypnosis, he revealed that he was visited every night by the ghost of a German soldier whom he had killed on the Marne in 1914.

After a while Meek stopped seeing the ghost, but his condition became even worse – his twitching became more pronounced, he lost the power of speech and spent all day playing with dolls. There is an astonishing archive film of him cowering in a wheelchair with a teddy bear on his knee.

McDougall was inclined to write him off as a helpless case, but then, in 1917, something extraordinary happened: Meek made a spontaneous recovery.

His memory and his speech came back, and within another year he was teaching basket-weaving to fellow patients – proof perhaps that the brain is even more complex and mysterious than McDougall and his colleagues had ever anticipated.

As Ben Shepherd proved with his critically acclaimed A War of Nerves: Soldiers And Psychiatrists 1914-1994, the author writes exceptionally well about how the mind functions under duress.

Shepherd’s account of how a small group of scientific researchers defied ridicule in their quest to learn how the brain works is as stirring as it is dramatic. Whilst it is clear from the narrative that he possesses a sharp eye for absurdity, there’s also a broad streak of sympathy that runs throughout.

It’s tempting to see Shepherd’s story as an illustration of how psychology has developed in this country. There may have been quite a few wrong turns as this science has developed, but eventually its pioneers steered a path through a fog of confusion to reach a greater understanding of who we are and how we got to be that way.

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Britain, European Union, Iraq, Middle East, Politics, Society, United Nations, United States

Former diplomats lead calls for Tony Blair to be axed as Middle East Peace Envoy…

TONY BLAIR

Intro: An open letter led by ex-diplomats, and signed by thousands more, calls for the former British Prime Minister who went to war on a lie and based on a false prospectus to be axed as Middle East peace envoy

Related reading:

THREE former UK ambassadors to the Middle East have joined a new demand and are campaigning for Tony Blair to be removed from his role as Middle East ‘peace’ envoy.

Signatories to an open letter, led by Mr Blair’s former ambassador to Iran Sir Richard Dalton, describes his achievements in the region as ‘negligible’, criticising his money-making activities and accuse him of trying to ‘absolve himself’ of responsibility for the crisis in Iraq.

Other former diplomats lending their weight to the letter are Sir Oliver Miles, Britain’s ambassador to Libya when relations were severed after the death of WPC Yvonne Fletcher, and Christopher Long, ambassador to Egypt between 1992 and 1995. Joining more than 4,000 signatories are human rights barrister Michael Mansfield QC, former London mayor Ken Livingstone and former Conservative prisons minister Crispin Blunt.

The letter has been organised by the makers of Respect MP George Galloway’s film The Killing of Tony Blair. It has been deliberately timed for this week’s seventh anniversary of Mr Blair’s appointment as envoy on the Middle East for the ‘quartet’ of the UN, the EU, Russia and the US, and is addressed to John Kerry, the US Secretary of State, Sergei Lavrov, the Russian foreign minister, Ban Ki-moon, the UN secretary general, and to the EU’s ‘foreign minister’.

It argues that Mr Blair’s 2003 invasion of Iraq is to blame for the rise of “fundamentalist terrorism in a land where none existed previously” and that he should be removed from his position.

The letter says: “We are appalled by Iraq’s descent into a sectarian conflict that threatens its existence as a nation, as well as the security of its neighbours. We are also dismayed at Tony Blair’s attempts to absolve himself of any responsibility for the current crisis by isolating it from the legacy of the Iraq war.”

It is alleged that Mr Blair ‘misled the British people’ by suggesting Saddam Hussein had links to Al-Qaeda. It adds: ‘It is a cruel irony for the people of Iraq that perhaps the invasion’s most enduring legacy has been the rise of fundamentalist terrorism in a land where none existed previously.

‘We believe Mr Blair, as a vociferous advocate of the invasion, must accept a degree of responsibility for its consequences.’

Criticising the former prime minister’s business interests, the letter alleges that his ‘conduct in his private pursuits also calls into question his suitability for the role’, and accuses him of ‘blurring the lines between his public position as envoy and his private roles at Tony Blair Associates and the investment bank JPMorgan Chase’.

The letter adds to growing calls for Mr Blair to stand down. In the last few days the former foreign secretary Lord Owen criticised Mr Blair for his claims that the 2003 invasion was not a factor in the current unrest in Iraq. “Tony Blair should no longer be allowed to speak for the EU on the Middle East, and someone else found for helping Palestine without his past record and crusading messianic fervour,” he said.

A spokesman for Mr Blair said: ‘These are all people viscerally opposed to Tony Blair with absolutely no credibility in relation to him whatsoever. Their attack is neither surprising nor newsworthy… They include the alliance of hard Right and hard Left views which he has thought against all his political life. Of course he completely disagrees with them over the Middle East.’

People are being urged to support the call for Mr Blair to be removed by signing the petition at www.change.org.

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