Britain, Government, NATO, Politics, Russia, Society, Ukraine

How do we defend against Putin unleashing havoc?

BRITAIN

EVER SINCE Vladimir Putin launched his barbaric invasion of Ukraine, the West has feared an escalation in the conflict. Those fears have now become reality.

Earlier this week, the Russian dictator denied claims that Moscow had launched an intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) at the Ukrainian city of Dnipro – which would have been the first time such a weapon had been fired in combat.

He insisted, instead, that the projectile was a new “medium-range missile tested in response to Western aggression” – citing specifically the use of long-range Western missiles, including British Storm Shadows, in Ukraine.

Separately, however, the Kremlin has warned that a US military base in Poland was “on a list for potential destruction”, and with the Russian ambassador stating that Britian was now “directly involved” in the war, thoughts have turned as to how Putin might respond.

Several military analysts and commentators believe the dictator’s nuclear threats are empty bluster. Even a nuclear test, let alone the deployment of a “tactical” atomic weapon, would bring devastating retaliation.

More pressing is the question whether he could launch a conventional missile attack on Britain? And if he did, could we properly defend ourselves? What else might he do in the weeks ahead to destabilise the democratic world and advance his sordid cause?

If Putin did launch a conventional missile strike, our air-defence radars, as well as our allies’, would identify the projectiles well before impact.

In theory and on paper, at least, we have some protection: primarily our six Type 45 destroyers. Each of these formidable warships carries 48 state-of-the-art Aster air-defence missiles.

Nonetheless, only two of our Type 45s are currently deployable. These billion-pound warships have been plagued by maintenance issues. HMS Daring, for instance, has spent most of its 15-year life in refits: far more than it has spent in active service at sea.  

The powerful HMS Duncan is in service and does carry Aster missiles – which would buy time for our PM to invoke allied support and authorise countermeasures. A lot would be riding on the warship’s efficacy – and in the hope that Putin’s strike would be limited, as its stock of Asters would be swiftly depleted. 

What is more, the Type 45s provide only a partial shield.

If one happens to be in the Thames Estuary at the time of attack, for example, London might be covered – but the rest of the country would be left defenceless.

Needless to say, an intercontinental ballistic missile strike would be many orders of magnitude worse – and far more difficult if not impossible to defend against.

Although we have a handful of state-of-the-art short-range Sky Sabre land-based missile-defence systems, we wholly lack defences against ICBMs (like Israel’s Arrow 3 anti-ballistic missile).

Even without such a grim scenario – which could ultimately presage a nuclear exchange, and with it the end of civilisation – a more pressing immediate concern is that Britian is already under attack from Russia, through sabotage and other mischief, and has been for years. This will now escalate.

Russia has become an expert in these ignoble arts, which range from murder to sabotage via cyber-attacks and propaganda operations. They are often carried out by proxies: that is, criminals hired for cash.

Only last month, 20-year-old Dylan Earl, from Leicestershire, pleaded guilty at the Old Bailey to aggravated arson on a Ukrainian-linked business in London, carried out on behalf of the Russian mercenary Wagner Group – which is still active following the death of its warmongering leader Yevgeny Prigozhin last year in a plane crash.

Other instances are known. Counter-terrorism police are separately investigating a munitions parcel in Birmingham, aimed at bringing down a plane carrying freight. The deadly package, along with others targeting Poland and Germany, was posted in Lithuania – just across the border from the Russian puppet state of Belarus.

Other mysterious blazes have sprung up around the country: at an ammunition plant in Monmouthshire in April, and earlier this month at one nuclear submarine shipyard in Barrow. British defence companies have also suffered alarming fires.

Shockingly, no one in government appears willing to talk openly about these bizarrely synchronised conflagrations. But intelligence predictions will be clear: we are now certain to see more of them.

Then there are cyber-attacks. Earlier this year saw a devastating “ransomware” assault on several major London hospitals – in which hackers demanded money, often in hard-to-trace cryptocurrency, to unlock vital computer systems.

Operations were cancelled, emergency patients had to be transported to other hospitals, and blood transfusions and test results were also affected.

Last year, staff at British Airways, Boots, and the BBC were similarly targeted in Russia-linked cyber-attacks.

These too are surely set to proliferate – not least because North Korea, whose brainwashed soldiers are now fighting alongside the Russians in Ukraine, has its own dedicated army of cyber-hackers in Pyongyang.

A third piece of mayhem is also at play. Russia is already systematically attacking seabed cables and pipelines, the vital arteries of our data and energy flows.

Just this week, a Chinese ship – reportedly captained by a Russian national – was being inspected by the Danish authorities following catastrophic damage to undersea infrastructure in the Baltic Sea, in a suspected malicious attack. As an island, Britian is particularly vulnerable to such assaults – and Putin has been scheming them for years.

Expect, too, more physical intimidation – and worse – of individuals on British soil.

Not just chemical poisonings, as we witnessed in Salisbury against Sergei Skripal, the former MI6 officer, but also the beatings and murders of dissidents.

Russia has been linked to 14 deaths on British soil in recent years, including the assassination of Vladimir Litvinenko in a case of polonium-laced tea in 2006.

Intimidation can also be political. The Kremlin could hack into the private email accounts of senior politicians to leak compromising information – a tactic used to devastating effect against Hillary Clinton during her 2016 presidential campaign.

Britain’s decision-makers are similarly a top target. Sowing division through rumours and scare stories, including on social media which spreads rapidly, can paralyse a country and its leaders.

This brings all to the most important point of all. Putin’s aim is not to defeat us in military combat: he knows he cannot as of now win against the combined might of NATO, while Beijing remains sceptical in committing millions of troops to his cause.

Instead, his aim is to instil cowardice in the general population – to cause ordinary Britons to turn their backs on Ukraine, and demand that their own government stop supporting the defenders.

These siren voices will sing just why support is being given to Ukraine, when the price is misery at home?

They will ask why we maintain a “tripwire” force at great expense in Estonia? Now that an isolationist Trump is heading back to the White House what is the point of NATO?

Surely it is better, they will say, to pull out of these entanglements and concentrate on our own domestic problems?

Yet, if we allow Russia to conquer Ukraine, the result will not be perfect peace. Instead, the seeds will be sown for a future conflict, one in which Britain will be in a far more parlous position.

Instead of kowtowing to our foes, we should rekindle the spirit that won previous epic contests – two world wars, and the cold war against Soviet Communism.

A new arsenal of crafty, painful countermeasures is also needed such as seizing the frozen £250billion assets of Russia’s central bank and using it to arm and rebuild Ukraine.

So long as our enemies believe they can attack us with impunity, they will not cease from doing so. That is principally why we must continue to support the Ukrainians – and show Putin that we will not back down.

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Britain, Government, Military, NATO, Russia, Ukraine, United Nations, United States

Kyiv missile deal edges closer

STORM SHADOW

THE visit by British Foreign Secretary David Lammy and his US counterpart Antony Blinken to battle-ravaged Ukraine in reaffirming their commitment was timely. The pair announced millions more in aid, which was welcomed, but if Ukraine is to stand any chance in defeating Putin, the West must still go further. 

It is now pressing to permit Kyiv to use US and British long-range missiles to pulverise targets deep inside Russian territory. This would allow it to strike air bases which are used to launch devastating and indiscriminate attacks against Ukraine.

The current restrictions on Ukraine using Western long-range missiles – imposed amid fears of provoking the Kremlin – are iniquitous and show timidity.

However, the mood is changing as both the US and UK have accused Russian president Vladimir Putin of escalating the war by seeking missiles from Iran.

Allowing Ukraine to use British Storm Shadow missiles would mark a major step up in capability, as they have a range of more than 155 miles. By contrast, the US-supplied Himars missiles currently being used have a range of just 50 miles. A longer-range capability would enable Ukrainian pilots to remain further from the front lines, as missiles such as Storm Shadow would penetrate much deeper inside Russian territory.

Storm Shadow is a precision-guided cruise missile with a maximum range of up to 200 miles. It has a multi-stage warhead with the initial detonation used to destroy bunkers. The main warhead is controlled by a delayed fuse which destroys whatever is being protected inside a fortified position.

It is “air-launched” and can be released from a safe distance. It travels at a low altitude to avoid radar detection and uses an infra-red seeker to latch on to its target. In May 2023, the UK confirmed it had donated a number of the missiles to Ukraine – but with the proviso that they only be used on Russian targets on Ukrainian sovereign territory.

Ukraine’s president wants Storm Shadow to destroy airfields and command and control centres deep inside Russia. President Zelensky needs to eradicate the threat posed by Russian glide bombs; he wants to strike wherever the aircraft that carry them are based. An accurate, long-range missile arsenal could also directly target Russian supply lines into eastern Ukraine and through territory surrounding Kursk province, which Ukrainian soldiers have successfully penetrated and defended.

However, the view in Washington and, to a lesser extent in London, has been precautionary. Permitting Storm Shadow to be used against targets deep inside Russia could be perceived as escalatory. The US and UK would much prefer to encourage Ukraine and Russia to reach a negotiated settlement. They would prefer, too, for Ukraine to develop its own long-range missiles, thereby avoiding further potential Western fallout with the Kremlin.

Financial reasons are also a significant factor. At £2million each, Storm Shadows aren’t cheap. Supply of them is far from infinite and Ukraine would likely use up the missiles in a short time. Also, they contain highly sensitive technologies which, should the Russians obtain them, could reduce the strategic effectiveness of Storm Shadow in the future.

Mr Blinken has said the United States is adapting to change, including how conditions on the battlefield are changing. With Russia having acquired Iranian ballistic missiles, this must surely be justification for the US to lift its restrictions. Ukraine has the right to defend itself. Nonetheless, complicating matters is that the Biden presidency has only months to run, with Donald Trump making clear he will push for a settlement in days if he wins the November election. Any such deal would likely require Ukraine to concede territory.

So, Kyiv must hold on to as much ground as it can, including areas it occupies in southern Russia. It is now or never for Storm Shadow to make a difference.

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Britain, Government, NATO, Politics, Russia, Society, Ukraine, United States

Give President Zelensky what he needs to defeat Putin

UKRAINE WAR

EUROPEAN leaders gathered at Blenheim Palace recently in a symposium that was a conduit for European solidarity. They surrounded Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky in an image of steadfast support.

For Zelensky, he must be wondering how stalwart those allies really are. Two and a half years into Putin’s bloody and violent war, it must increasingly seem to Zelensky that NATO is offering just enough to keep Ukraine limping on – but not enough, anywhere near enough, in smashing Russian forces completely. What else could explain the West’s ambiguity and indecisiveness over the use of long-range weapons to attack targets inside Russia?

The British prime minister, Sir Keir Starmer, has rebuffed Zelensky’s plea that he ditch the UK’s veto on Storm Shadow “bunker-buster” weapons, which have a range of up to 190 miles, easily capable of striking targets in Russia.

As it currently stands, the UK and other allies allow Ukraine to fire long-range missiles defensively at targets on Russian soil near the border, but not offensively or deep into Russian territory.

Such a position is, of course, calculated to avoid provoking Putin into wider retaliation. At the heart of that fear is the ultimate and terrifying prospect that the dictator might reach for the nuclear button, but even less apocalyptic concerns help to dictate policy.

Success in armed conflict can only be achieved if all the elements of the battlefield are dominated. In the traditional doctrine of NATO, this means winning “deep, close, and rear” battles – that is long-range strikes and raids on infrastructure (deep), front-line combat (close), and the essential support mechanisms such as logistics and headquarters (rear).

Just as Russia is hitting Ukrainian cities, factories, and infrastructure, any military general knows it is perfectly reasonable for Ukraine to do the same in order to degrade its enemy’s military capability. But with the current restrictions on missile use in place, Ukraine’s fighting forces can’t execute the “deep” battle. Zelensky is being forced to fight with one arm tied behind his back.

That’s why many are now pressing decision-makers in Washington, London, Berlin, and Paris to authorise the use of long-range weapons, such as the UK’s Storm Shadow, to strike targets inside Russia.

That would likely lead to some escalation. But as in the Cold War, many strategists are confident this war, at least, won’t go nuclear, despite the warnings of those concerned about the UK’s deepening involvement in the conflict.

For one thing, Russian tactics would probably use a tactical nuclear weapon only to stop an enemy breakthrough in Ukraine. Such a breakthrough could only occur in one of the four eastern provinces that Putin has decreed to be forever Russian. Where is the logic in irradiating many square miles of your own soil?

Then there is the relationship between China and Russia to consider. President Xi has so far offered only mild support to Putin and is unquestionably the dominant partner in the relationship. China has consistently opposed the use of nuclear weapons in Ukraine.

Of course, matters could seriously escalate long before it reached nuclear proportions.

A cyber attack on the scale of the IT outage chaos caused by CrowdStrike is well within Russia’s capability, as is severing underwater communications or energy pipelines in the North Sea. And if the Houthi rebels in Yemen were capable of striking Tel Aviv, we cannot rule out a long-range conventional missile strike on a target in Western Europe, even potentially one on the UK.

Nevertheless, military strategists and theoreticians often refer to the concept of “limited war” – that is, restricted in its aims and its geography. The war in Ukraine does indeed have limits, but history has demonstrated that Putin’s ambition is not restrained in the same way.

Before Ukraine there was Chechnya and Georgia. Why, after Ukraine, should we not think there might be Latvia, Lithuania, or Estonia, or even all three? Why not Poland? Anxiety levels are already high in the Baltic States, and one has to wonder why at this moment in their history, both Sweden and Finland recently chose to join NATO. The fear of Russian expansion is tangible on Russia’s borders – no wonder the Poles are spending more than 4 per cent of GDP on defence and building the largest army in Europe.

Any discussion of Ukraine’s prospect of achieving military success must also confront the issue of Donald Trump returning to the White House in November. He has made the claim that he could settle the war in a day with one telephone call. If that’s the case, Ukraine must be given every chance to achieve a position of advantage on the battlefield before that call is made.

If this war is to have a successfully negotiated end, Ukraine must be in the strongest possible position at the start of any talks. The reality is that Putin must be stopped, and Ukraine is the place to stop him. The best means of doing so is by giving Kyiv what it needs to finish the job.

The price of stopping Putin now is far better than paying the price of a wider devastating war – as the history of the last century shows.

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